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This thread follows the development of Kurt Whitley

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E/S ROLLIN' 20'S VESPUCCI BEACH CRIPS The Rollin 20s Vespucci Beach Crips (RTC) also known as Rollin 20s, are the second largest African-American street gang located on the Eastside of Vespucci Beach, San Andreas. Their neighborhood is primarily South of Melanoma Street, east of Magellan Ave and west of Bay City Ave. Rollin 20s Crips are well known to sport the primary colors of the Pittsburgh Steelers and the New Orleans Saints. (Black and Gold) Members of the Rollin 20s Crips, are known to brand their bodies with tattoos of the Steelers emblem, which is a dead give-away to rival gangs. Apart from that Rollin 20s does have a few cliques which consist of 21st, 20th, 19th,17th, 15th, 11th, and 10th Street. The Young 20 Locs (YTL), later emerged as a subset of the Rollin 20s Crips, mainly consisting of the younger generations of Rollin 20s. ROLLIN 20’s (R20’s) V. EAST SIDE LONGO 13 (ESL13) As the story goes, the Rollin 20's Crips robbed a Longos 13 drug connection of a large quantity of dope nearly a decade ago. Since then, the tale of how a black street gang ripped off a Latino rival has taken on mythic proportions, but to this day police are uncertain if the fabled heist ever occurred. “You hear so many different variations of this crime,” said Terry Burgin, a Los Santos County Sheriff’s Department gang detective. “Who knows what really happened? [But] the effects are tremendous.” Over the years, the two rival gangs have battled over control of the drug trade in the Vespucci Beach area. The feud has escalated into what many residents call a race war. It used to be that innocent bystanders were not targeted, said Chris Le Grande, pastor of Great Hope Fellowship in Faith, one of Vespucci’s largest black churches. “Now it’s deliberate. ‘I’m deliberately shooting you because of your color.’ ” On Tuesday, the San Andreas attorney’s office announced a sweeping indictment against more than 60 members of Longos 13, accusing the Latino gang of waging a violent campaign to drive out African American rivals. Once primarily black, the working class community of 60,000 today is mostly Latino. But some say that’s only part of the truth. The war has two sides, said Robert Ramirez, a Longos 13 gang member. “I’m not going to say we’re angels, but it’s fifty-fifty,” he said, as fellow gang members sprayed walls with Longos graffiti. “ ‘Any black, shoot on sight?’ -- it’s not true. Nobody likes a racist person.” The neighborhood saw 41 homicides in 2005, surpassing the homicide rate in some of the nation’s most dangerous big cities, authorities said. About half of those killed had no gang affiliation. Homicides dropped to 19 last year after a major law enforcement crackdown that led to 230 felony arrests and the seizure of 130 weapons. But the level of violence remains high. Authorities attribute the neighborhood’s gang troubles in large part to the huge demographic shift that occurred in this economically depressed community over the last 20 years, tipping the balance of power from black to Latino and turning it into a tinderbox of racial tensions. That kind of demographic shift has occurred in many parts of Southern San Andreas, but Vespucci is one of the places where it has turned violent. The violence threatens an economic revival that has begun to revitalize the neighborhood. For years, the two rival gangs resisted outside pressures to go to war, according to those active in Longos in the 1990s. Like many black and Latino gangs, they ignored each other during the worst gang years of the late ‘80s and early ‘90s. Instead, they focused on attacking rivals of their own race. But during the mid-'90s, the Mexican Mafia prison gang began directing Latino gangs to stop fighting each other, to “tax” drug dealers and to push blacks from their neighborhoods, according to numerous gang members and law enforcement officers. Longos, in particular, had warred for years with Barrio Pobre, a Latino gang to the East. But under the new rules, Longos was forced to get along with rival Latino gangs and once even played a pickup football game with Barrio Pobre, said one Longos gang member who requested anonymity out of fear for his safety. The Mexican Mafia “didn’t understand how it worked,” he said. “I hate Barrio Pobre. I didn’t have no problem with the guys from Rollin 20's because I grew up with them. It’s kind of hard to say, ‘Now I’m going to. . . kill this black guy just because he’s black.’ But that’s how they wanted to do it.” In 1996 tensions erupted when members of a gang associated with Rollin 20's Crips, known as the 6-5 Hustlers, killed a Longos member. After some retaliation, the gangs held a peace summit at a Vespucci elementary school one night, and that “kind of squashed everything,” the gang member said. But the fighting resumed when word, perhaps mythical, spread about the Rollin 20's Crips’ drug rip-off of Longos 13. Race, gang rivalry and drugs have become impossibly tangled as motives in killings and assaults in the neighborhood, authorities and residents say. The result: a gangland version of racial profiling. “They just see a young man of the opposite race and they shoot,” said Olivia Rosales, a former hate-crime prosecutor, who prosecuted all the Rollin 20's-Longos murder cases for the last two years. “They don’t stop to question whether or not they are a member of the gang.” Of the 20 cases she prosecuted, said Rosales, who now runs the district attorney’s Whittier office, “most of the victims have not been members of the rival gang.” Demetrius Perry, 22, was shot to death by Latinos yelling a gang epithet as he played basketball in January at a Vespucci middle school, witnesses said. “We used to kick it with Latinos“, said Perry’s father, Benny, who is black and grew up in the area. “Now you constantly hear about it: This is their land first and they’ve come to take it back.” Timothy Slack, who lives a few blocks from Great Hope Fellowship church, said Latino gang members often drive by shooting at blacks. He doesn’t allow his kids to go to the store and he never uses alleys anymore. Slack grew up in Vespucci when it was mostly black and had few Latinos. Back then, “they were timid,” he said. “But as their numbers started getting bigger, then they started trying to be tougher. They started thinking they could demand stuff.” But non-gang-affiliated Latinos have also been killed. In 2005, Alejandro Barrales was on his way to work at his family’s restaurant when he was shot to death allegedly by Crips while in his car at a stop sign. Gabino Lopez, 52, was killed that year while walking to a mini-market for a beer after work. A youth who reportedly wanted to join the Crips is charged with his killing. In the neighborhood where Lopez was killed, people no longer sit outside in the evening, said his daughter, Mayra Lopez. “You never know when you’re going to be the next target,” she said. But “The gang war puts a damper on everything that you do here,” said Joe Titus, 79, who was born in Vespucci and volunteers with several community organizations. “You don’t want to go out at night.” Fewer people ride bikes; fewer children play outside after school. Movable basketball stanchions, once ubiquitous in driveways, are gone. Irv Sitkoff, a local pharmacist, said people of one race complain if his employees attend faster to people of the other race. “You’ve got to very careful,” he said. “Before, we didn’t think about it.” Sitkoff said his pharmacy has sold grim supplies to customers because of neighborhood violence: more colostomy bags, for example. One Latino mother bought antidepressant medication from him for many months after her son, an innocent bystander, was killed by a black gang, Sitkoff said. “She didn’t talk directly about it, but there’s fear,” he said. “How could there not be? I have black families who are the same way.” Meanwhile, the exodus continues. Some cliques of the Rollin 20's Crips in the neighborhood don’t exist anymore. One former black gang member said he hasn’t left Vespucci because he still has family and property there. But “it’s going to come a time when everybody’s going to have to leave,” he said. “Everybody’s going to have to go.” ALLIES & RIVALS The Rollin 20s Vespucci Beach Crips are currently allies of the Rollin 80s West Coast Crips, a street gang located on the West Side of Vespucci Beach. The 20s Crips and the Insane Crips, were united as one and moved together as a unit. Until the 1980s, when they parted ways, due to infighting with the Rollin 20s claiming territory South of 21st Street and the Insanes claiming territory North of 21st Street. They aswell currently have a deadly fued with the Varrio Longo Gang, a Latino gang that feud mostly with Blacks/Asian and Cambodian gangs in Vespucci Beach. Despite, the Rollin 20s Crips and the Insane Crips being bitter rivals they have shared a little truce, during the mid-1990’s. Due to both sets having a fair hate with a common enemy Varrio Longos. VESPUCCI BEACH 2025 Gangbanging in Vespucci Beach is still very much alive in the year 2025. The area is packed full of rival sets: the Insane Crips, Blacc Bandits, Rollin 20s Crips, West Coast Crips, Longos 13, Brick Boy Crips, Sons of Samoa and the ABZ. These street gangs have intricate alliances and feuds which have lasted from their initial emergence. The area is a catalyst for the illegal operations of a street gang; its low-income housing, underfunded police force and looming threat of gentrification has resulted in continuation of the gang activity that peaked in the 1990s. From 2003 to 2013, Vespucci Beach saw a decrease in the number of gang killings per annum, but that began to rise again by 2014. In efforts to try and control gang activity in the area, the LSPD have placed several injunctions on gang members as well as employed additional recruits into their gangs and violent crimes division. Despite their efforts however, cuts in police funding have made such operations unsustainable and with Vespucci Beach's rising commercial sector, increased land value has resulted in low-income households being driven into poverty. Street gangs stand against the modern-day struggles of low-income households in such areas, they create a sense of community and companionship. Of course, however, the anger within these impoverished communities and the hatred for their rivals is often deep seated, self-fulfilling and inevitably impairs the community further. Thread credits go out to @bunie, @chibs, @Grams To Bricks This faction aims to represent the daily lives of residents in Vespucci Beach; both civilians and gang members. Our RP standards are high. Good English is essential, but is not prioritized over being able to create an interesting character and being able to contribute to the RP of the faction. We do not wish to jeopardize RP for the sake of using the correct vernacular in every scenario. Players are required to join our Discord before approaching us IC. This way you can use the information in our Discord to help with the creation of your character/knowledge of the area the faction is based on. Screenshot permissions are required to post on the thread, you can obtain these via our Discord server. We have a very tight aesthetic, don't join the faction and be upset if we tell you not to use certain mods etc. Our environment mod can be downloaded here. Character Kill permissions are required upon joining the faction, the format can be seen below. Permissions are to be sent to @JediMindTricks and @firearmsnfelons via forum PM only.

Topic will follow the development of "Trey Hawkins", affiliated member of the Tiny Locs clique, under Insane Crip Gang.

Ray Vallejo Eldest son of the Vallejo family, a troublesome sixteen years old boy. Coming from a decent wealth family, turns out the family has huge debt that leads them to poverty, which a canon event for Ray to make a move by his own, socializing with his peers around the Cortes St. The thread will showcase Ray Vallejo development from his early age.

Chicano History The Chicano Movement in Los Santos was a pivotal period of social and political activism that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s. It was led by Mexican-American youth who sought to address issues such as racism, inequality, and lack of representation in their communities. Key events and figures in the LS Chicano Movement included the West LS Walkouts, where thousands of high school students protested against inadequate education and discriminatory policies, and the formation of protesting organizations. These groups advocated for Chicano rights, self-defense, and cultural empowerment. The movement also saw an explosion of artistic expression, with murals, music, and literature celebrating Chicano identity and resistance. While the movement faced challenges and repression, it ultimately contributed to significant advances in education, politics, and social justice for Mexican-Americans in Los Santos. 1992 Los Santos Riots The 1992 Los Santos riots had a significant impact on Mexican Americans, who were among the most affected by the unrest. Many Mexican-American-owned businesses, were looted or destroyed, resulting in substantial economic losses for the community. According to some estimates, over 1,000 Latino-owned businesses were damaged or destroyed during the riots. The riots also highlighted the lack of investment and resources in Mexican-American neighborhoods, which had long struggled with poverty, crime, and limited access to education and job opportunities. The destruction of businesses and infrastructure further exacerbated these issues, making it even more challenging for Mexican Americans to access basic necessities like food, healthcare, and employment. However, the 1992 LS riots also spurred a new wave of community organizing and activism among Mexican Americans. Many young people became involved in social justice movements, advocating for greater investment in their communities and pushing for policy changes to address issues like police brutality and economic inequality. The aftermath of the riots saw a renewed focus on community development. Mexican-American Crime in LS In Los Santos, from the 1970s to the 1990s, Mexican-American crime was a significant issue, often linked to gang activity and violence. The city's Westside, particularly neighborhoods in Dogtown were plagued by gang wars and turf battles between rival groups. These gangs were involved in various illicit activities, including narcotics trafficking, extortion, and robbery. The crack epidemic of the 1980s further exacerbated gang violence and crime in these neighborhoods. Drive-by shootings, homicides, and other violent crimes became commonplace. Law enforcement struggled to contain the situation, with some critics accusing them of heavy-handed tactics that only fueled further resentment among Mexican-American youth. While law enforcement efforts eventually began to show results in reducing crime rates by the late 1990s and early 2000s, many neighborhoods continued to grapple with social issues stemming from decades of poverty, neglect, and lack of opportunities for young people. Community-based initiatives aimed at providing alternatives to gang life gained momentum during this time as well. Despite progress made since then in certain areas of Los Santos' Westside neighborhoods experiencing revitalization efforts or increased investment into education & job training programs for at-risk youth, along with the gentrification of Vespucci – many underlying social & economic challenges persist today, that create local gang presence in Vespucci. Mexican Youth & Gang Criminality Mexican American communities in LS have been affected by the presence of street gangs and cliques, which often engage in street-level crime. Gangs pose a significant threat to suburban areas because of increased connections with transnational criminal organizations. Gang members increasingly conduct criminal activity across the U.S.-Mexico and U.S.-Canada borders, smuggling drugs, firearms, and more. Youth organizing in cliques and gangs is often driven by common experiences and a sense of community integration. However, this can also lead to the disappearance of traditional values and respect. In terms of youth organizing, some studies suggest that situational factors such as poverty, lack of education, and unemployment can lead to gang membership. Additionally, the influence of traditional values and respect for community integration can play a role in shaping youth behavior. Youth Gangs and Mexican Organized Crime Mexican American communities in LS and all over the country that are engaged in illegal activities as well often have a structure of an organized crime group and a youth gang that operate in a complex and interconnected manner. Mexican OCGs routinely use gangs to smuggle and distribute drugs, engage in other lucrative crime schemes, collect illicit proceeds, and serve as enforcers. In addition, Mexican OCGs often use the youth as retail-level drug distributors, creating an additional layer of protection between OCG members and law enforcement. Youth cliques in these communities are often influenced by the larger community's drug markets and interact with adult prison gangs, leading to adverse consequences for both the gangs as organizations and individual members. Research has found that among juveniles, weak ties to informal social control entities such as parents, school, and conventional peers increase the probability of initiation and continuation of deviant behaviors such as drug use and crime. In terms of how these communities work together, it appears that there is a hierarchical structure with an OCG at the top and the youth gang below. The OCG provides drugs, resources and other lucrative criminal schemes to the youth cliques. The youth cliques also serve as a source of new recruits for the OCGs. It's worth noting that not all Mexican American communities in LS are involved with OCGs or youth gangs. However, for those that are, this structure can have serious consequences for individuals involved as well as for public safety more broadly.

"Mafia Born, Mafia Sworn" Mafia Made Piru, commonly referred to as the Two M's, is a long-established African-American street gang formed during the mid 1980s in the western district of South Los Santos, San Andreas. Their neighborhood, commonly known as the "Vespucci Canals" is located in the western part of South Los Santos. Sitting on small islands, surrounded by water, the area features a mix of residential homes. While the neighborhood itself is relatively affluent, it is not very large and is known for being a home to several gangs. The area in which the Mafia Made Piru claim as their territory is known as "Marina view", centered around Imagination Courts and Prosperity Street on Vespucci Boulevard. This stretch of land serves as a status symbol for a number of reasons, with the prominent reason that it's located in a historically Crip-dominated neighborhood. Initially, Mafia Made Piru was known as the "Made Men," a name that came from their early days as a tight-knit coalition of ambitious individuals. The name was derived from the gang's desire to establish themselves as as a powerful force in their community, similar to how the term was used in organization to denote individuals who had earned respect and power within a criminal organization. What began as a small circle of like-minded individuals with a shared vision soon grew into a formidable presence, embodying the mafia mentality they aimed to uphold. Key figures who played a role in the foundation of Made Men was none other than: • Ralph "Monk" Glenn, 26 ( April 7, 1964 – June 19, 1990), shot and killed by members of the Marvin Gangster Crips. • Avery "Piru Bull" Simmons • Melvin "Maniak" Mitchell, 34 (January 11, 1966 – January 22, 2000), shot a killed in a drive-by shooting on Alta Street in the Strawberry-Davis community of South Los Santos. On September 15, 2002, Clarence Blackwell, 32, was arrested as the driver of the car and on Oct 5, 2002, DeAndre Shaw, 30, a member of Blastin Fools Gangsta Crip was arrested in Los Santos. Blackwell was found guilty in 2010 and sentenced to 65-years in prison for 1st degree murder and McNeil was found guilty as well and sentenced to 70-years in prison for 1st degree murder. • Daryl "Red Foxx" Thompson • Marvin "Lil Maniak 2" Mitchell, ( – June 1, 1994), was fatally shot in his car while at a red light near Vespucci Boulevard and San Andreas Avenue in Vespucci. At least two shooters, got out of a minivan and started shooting from behind Marvin and through his passenger window. There were 9mm and .45 caliber casings found at the scene. • Ronald "Butcher" Evans, currently serving a life sentence for his role in a triple homicide. • Vernon "Hit Man" Jackson, currently incarcerated in San Andreas Correction Facility serving 35 years for a murder. • Carlton "Tootie Ru" Hayes, 57 (August 16, 1965 – November 25, 2022), suffered a stroke. Although many of the original members from the mid-80s and early 90s have either been incarcerated or lost their lives in gang retaliation, the impact these historical figures had continues to shape the new generation of Mafia Made Piru. Since then, the gang’s notoriety has skyrocketed in the West Los Santos district, especially due to the ongoing feud with rival Crip gangs. "Mafia Roots" In the early 1980s, a small group of young, ambitious individuals came together with a vision—one that was rooted in the hustle of their community and the streets they called home. Known initially as "Made Men," their origins trace back to the southern region of the Vespucci Canals, an area that, while still in its early stages of development, was becoming known for its street-savvy youth and their desire to control the turf. The "Made Men" weren’t just a group; they were a brotherhood, driven by the hustle and the dream of something bigger. At that time, the streets looked promising for those willing to push the boundaries. As teenagers, they were already involved in all kinds of money-making schemes that were popular at the time—whether it was slinging drugs, shooting dice, or pimping. Their pockets were getting fatter, and their influence was spreading, creating a network of young men who weren’t just looking to survive but to dominate the game. While the neighborhood was still small, the power they began to build was undeniable. By 1981, the Made Men were no longer just a handful of guys. As their numbers grew, people from other sides of town started to hang around, and with that growth came a more defined identity. They needed something to show they were stepping up, a way to tie themselves to something bigger. That's when the Mafia got added to their name—marking the strength, respect, and loyalty they were aiming for. They weren’t just chasing money anymore; they were becoming a real force. It wasn’t until late '83 or early '84 when the “Made Men” first adopted the Piru moniker. It wasn’t a decision taken lightly. When members of the Mob Piru came through to Vespucci Beach to hang out, the connection between the two gangs was obvious. Although the original members were hesitant about aligning themselves with the Pirus, the younger generation of Made Men saw the potential and decided it was time to expand their reach. With that, they embraced the Piru identity, and just like that, the "Made Men" were reborn as "Made Man Mafia Piru." This connection was done by Avery Simmons, later known as Piru Bull, whose family ties to Mob Piru played a pivotal role in the gang’s transition. Avery’s direct affiliation to Mob Piru deepened their ties to the broader Piru banner. As a key figure in the addition of the Piru moniker, Avery not only helped bridge the gap between the two gangs but also introduced the younger generation of Made Men to the culture and ideology of the Piru lifestyle. It wasn’t just about adopting a name—it was about securing their place within a powerful entity. But it wasn’t an easy sell for everyone. Ralph “Monk” Glenn and Carlton “Tootie Ru” Hayes were initially resistant to the idea of aligning with Piru. They feared that connecting with the Pirus would corrupt their original vision for the gang, which had been built on the identity of a tight-knit, self-sustaining, mafia-like crew. However, after several talks with Piru Bull and Red Foxx, the two were eventually swayed. Red Foxx, also served as a crucial link between Mob Piru and Mafia Made Piru, playing a role in bringing the older generation on board. It took time, but after careful deliberation, the gang officially adopted the Piru identity, joining the larger Piru movement. Around 1986, the gang would go through another shift, marking the end of their identity crisis. With a focus to the Piru movement, the name officially changed to Mafia Made Piru, signifying that the moment they became Mafia, they became Piru. Ronald Evans, later known as Butcher, played a major role in this change. Having witnessed the gang's rise and the constant evolution of their identity, Evans felt that the "M,ade Men Mafia Piru" name was limiting and didn’t fit the movement they were following. By shortening it to "Mafia Made Piru," Butcher aimed to present a stronger image, one that showed they were no longer just a street gang but a force with the discipline and reach of a mafia organization, still rooted in the Piru tradition but with a more refined purpose. "Mafia Raised, Mafia Praised" While the gang was evolving, tragedy struck the Mitchell family. The Mitchells—already known for their hardened street reputation—suffered an immense loss in 1986 that would change the course of their lives and solidify their legacy. In an act of retaliation, members of the rival Crips targeted the Mitchell household in a drive-by shooting. However, they tragically hit the youngest member of the family, 6-year-old Micaela Mitchell, who was shot while sleeping with her Cabbage Patch Kids. Her death made headlines, and law enforcement saw it as a major catalyst behind the surge in gang-related homicides in South Los Santos during 1986 and 1987. Micaela’s death hit the Mitchell brothers, Melvin “Maniak” Mitchell and Marvin “Lil Maniak 2” Mitchell, hard. Many in the streets believed that it was this loss that turned the brothers into what they would later become known for: ruthless avengers of their sister’s death. The Mitchell family quickly made a name for themselves as they retaliated with brutal force against the rival Crips responsible for Micaela's death. Their ruthless response to the tragedy led to the birth of the 'Maniak' reputation. The Mitchells began to hunt down anyone associated with the rival Crips. It was believed—though never fully confirmed—that the brothers had been responsible for the deaths of multiple Crip members across various gangs, including the WLS Trays, Blastin Fools Gangster Crips, Mansfield Gangster Crips, and Marvin Gangster Crips. The Mitchell brothers allegedly worked in tandem, taking out two or three members at a time, and by the end of their rampage, it was rumored that they had a body count between 15 to 18 kills. The brothers' violent retaliation added fuel to the fire, with their names becoming synonymous with the bloodshed. It was in the wake of these events that the Mitchells solidified their place in the history of Mafia Made Piru. By 1988, the tide began to shift again. The streets had become more dangerous, and the gang’s reputation had spread across South Los Santos. But for the Two M's, it was a turning point. In 1988, Monk went down for possession of an illegal firearm. Though he was sentenced, he was expected to be released in 1990. The following year 1989 also marked the downfall of Vernon “Hit Man” Jackson, one of the earliest members of the crew to face serious consequences. Arrested and sentenced to 35 years in prison for his involvement in a murder, Hit Man became arguably the first Mafia Made Piru member to receive such a lengthy sentence. His arrest signaled the beginning of a larger crackdown on gang activity in Los Santos by the LSPD's C.R.A.S.H. unit. "The Mafia Era" The transition into the 90s marked a pivotal moment for Mafia Made Piru, as the gang faced a series of internal and external challenges that would define their future. One of the earliest blows came with the untimely death of Ralph "Monk" Glenn. Just days after his release from prison in 1990 on parole, Monk was gunned down, leaving a hole in the heart of the gang. His death, particularly as one of the gang's foundational members, symbolized the rising danger and instability the crew would face in the coming years. Monk's loss was felt deeply by the older generation, and his absence began to change the dynamics of the group, which had always thrived on tight-knit loyalty. By the mid-90s, tensions on the streets were at an all-time high. Rivalries were deeper, and the Crips remained a powerful threat, especially the Grave Yard Gangster Crips (GYGC), who had been gaining ground. In 1993, Derrick Vaughn, aka 'G Bones,' a well-known member of the GYGC, became a casualty of the ongoing violence. He was killed in an ambush set up by the Mafia Made Piru, who were actually targeting members of the Blastin Fools Gangster Crips. G Bones' death didn’t just mark the end of his life—it started a new wave of hostility between the two gangs. The rivalry would only grow more violent in the years that followed. Not long after, Hakeem Curtis “Hot 1” Fleming, a rising star within the Mafia Made Piru, was killed, fueling even more tension between the Piru and the GYGC. Hot 1 was known for his quick rise and his leadership in guiding the younger generation of Made Men. The GYGC, believed to have retaliated once again, striking back in 1994, taking down Marvin 'Lil Maniak 2' Mitchell. On June 1, 1994, Marvin was fatally shot while sitting in his car at a red light near Vespucci Boulevard and San Andreas Avenue. At least two shooters, emerging from a minivan, opened fire from behind, shooting through his passenger window. Multiple 9mm and .45 caliber casings were found at the scene. His murder in 1994 was a wake-up call for the Mafia Made Piru. Lil Maniak’s death hit the Mafia Made Piru hard. The older generation wasn’t taking this loss lightly and waged war on the GYGC, going back and forth in retaliation. Meanwhile, Melvin 'Maniak' Mitchell, who had been locked up since 1991, was left mourning the loss of his younger brother—someone who had mirrored his lifestyle and followed in his footsteps. With the older figures in prison, the younger generation, including figures like Lil Kapone, Baby Krazy Ru, and Mad Brains 1, began to call shots in the neighborhood. Despite the ongoing violence and the looming threat of law enforcement cracking down on gang activities, these fresh faces injected new energy into the Mafia Made Piru, even as the older generation’s grip on the gang started to slip. As the 2000s approached, tragedy struck once more with the death of Melvin "Maniak" Mitchell. Just a few weeks after the turn of the millennium, on January 22, 2000, his life was taken in an ambush, as he was shot down in a drive-by. This lost sent heartbreaks through the Mafia Made Piru and the surrounding community, marking the end of a long chapter of bloodshed and loss. As Maniak was loved by several Bloods and Piru hoods. His death also left behind a grieving family, including a newborn child, and a legacy that would haunt the streets of Vespucci for years to come. In the years that followed, two men—Clarence Blackwell, 32, and DeAndre Shaw, 30, a member of the Blastin Fools Gangsta Crip—were arrested and later convicted for the murder. Blackwell, the driver, was found guilty in 2010 and sentenced to 65 years in prison, while Shaw was sentenced to 70 years for first-degree murder. Despite the justice served, the loss of Maniak left a hole that no sentence could fill, and the streets of Los Santos would never forget the man who tried so hard to change but was ultimately taken too soon. By then, the Mafia Made Piru's influence had begun to fade. The gentrification of the area only further distanced the gang from its roots, and many of the original members who had weathered the struggles of the 80s and 90s were either incarcerated or killed. "Mafia Bred, Mafia Fed" PRESENT, Mafia Made Piru stands at a crossroads, far from the once-dominant force they were in the streets of Vespucci. The area that once gave rise to some of the most feared names in Los Santos is now barely recognizable, with gentrification reshaping the landscape. The streets that used to be filled with 50 Pirus outside, are quieter, and the impact of the Mafia Made Piru has waned significantly. But despite this, the younger generation is still fighting to keep the legacy alive. Their numbers have dwindled, and their presence is no longer what it once was, but these newer members still hold on to what was built. They carry the weight of history on their shoulders, determined to honor the legacy. The challenges they face are steep: gentrification and law enforcement crackdowns. Still, the name "Mafia Made Piru" holds weight in certain parts of the city—just not like it used to. Vespucci itself has changed. Where there were once black-owned housings and promising businesses, there are now luxury condos and trendy businesses. The old spots that used to define the area have been replaced, but that hasn’t stopped the new generation from trying to maintain some kind of presence. They still patrol the streets, still gather in spots that hold meaning, and keep the name alive, even if it’s just a small pocket of resistance in a neighborhood that's no longer theirs. The reality is harsh, though. The older heads who carried the legacy are either locked up or gone, and the younger generation is left with less: fewer allies, fewer resources, and fewer ways to assert dominance. The streets they once ruled have changed, and with that comes a sense of displacement. They’re fighting to keep the past alive in a world that’s already moved on. But despite all of this, the fight isn’t over. Rivalries still exist, old and new. The spirit of Mafia Made Piru, the drive to prove dominance and strength, is still there. The newer faces, carrying the weight of what came before them, are learning that survival isn’t just about keeping turf—it’s about adapting to the times. The once-unshakable empire may be gone, but the legacy is far from forgotten.

Character development thread for Feliks Romanov.

This thread will follow the lives and stories of members of a young crew of white gangsters from the Vespucci area as they attempt to make a name for themselves to the large "Peckerwood" gang dominating their area known as Murder Beach. What follows is the result of corruption, brainwashing, and a failure of the system that allowed this group of young men to spiral downward into a life of lust, greed, and wrath.

This thread will showcase the development of Logan "Logger" Russell.

' (( This thread will be used to showcase the life & story of Sofia Lei, a young Asian-American female seeking validation within a life of crime and throughout the skater world))

Follow Infant FaceShot Facebrowser- https://face.gta.world/InfantFaceShot

(( This thread will be used to showcase the life & story of Jonathan Chhay aka Chuccy, a young Asian-American male seeking validation within a life of crime. ))

(( This thread will be used to showcase the life & story of Chino Tàu, a young Asian-American male seeking validation within a life of crime. ))

Trials n Tribulations — The Story of Roman Dunn

Snapshots & vignettes from the life of Vespucci's Layla ' Barbie ' Cox.

Youngest In Charge is a modern day group of teens/clique that is interested in having power and into the fast life of getting money. The members are mostly child hood friends and family willing to protect one another and make money with each other while having fun. Even though they get into crime a lot they mainly want to just get their family and friends out the ghetto and that's their main focus. The clique is always seen with one of each other and goes by a code to not leave a brother behind. They can usually be found around Tub Street area or at parties where they can earn money from product they sell.

Don't Give A Fucksters (DGAF) is a skinhead crew from the streets of Vespucci, but they are far from typical. While many crews focus solely on street life or specific subcultures, DGAF has evolved into something much larger—a burgeoning movement that unites like-minded individuals under a banner of shared passions and a commitment to a way of life that extends far beyond simple camaraderie. Initially born from a love of punk rock, skateboarding, and DIY culture, DGAF has since become an interconnected network that empowers its members to pursue their various interests, whether it’s shredding at the local skate park, thrashing in the mosh pit at underground punk shows, or honing their skills in tattooing and crafting. At its core, DGAF is a skinhead crew that adheres to the ideology of white supremacy. This belief system is a driving force behind their actions, influencing not only their interactions within the group but also their confrontational stance against those who challenge or oppose their worldview. Their dedication to this ideology is a central aspect of their identity, which unites them as a group and fuels their participation in the broader skinhead and white supremacy movements. DGAF's influence stretches deep into the underbelly of Vespucci, with many of its members involved in a wide range of criminal activities. Drug dealing, arms trafficking, and car theft are just the tip of the iceberg. Don't Give A Fucksters are also known for their proficiency in more sophisticated crimes, such as home invasions, armed robberies, and even data forgery and document theft, which they use to further their illicit enterprises. These activities are not merely side hustles but a core part of the DGAF lifestyle, funding their various pursuits and helping them maintain a presence in the streets. Despite its reputation for brotherhood and loyalty, DGAF is not an easy crew to join. The movement, while open to embracing those who share its values and passions, remains highly exclusive, with a rigorous vetting process for new members. Aspiring DGAF members must prove their dedication to the crew through acts of loyalty and commitment, often involving dangerous or illegal tasks that test their resolve. This initiation process is designed to weed out the unworthy, ensuring that only the most committed and trustworthy individuals become part of the DGAF family. This exclusivity further cements the deep ties between Don't Give A Fucksters and the larger street gangs of Vespucci, as the rigorous initiation often mirrors the harsh realities of gang life in the city. What sets DGAF apart from other crews is their conscious decision to remain a collective rather than evolve into a formal gang. Instead of seeking to dominate Vespucci's criminal landscape, Don't Give A Fucksters have chosen to integrate themselves into existing gangs, most notably the Vespucci Skinheads, while maintaining their identity within DGAF. This approach has allowed them to leverage the power and connections of larger, more established gangs like Public Enemy Number 1, without losing the tight-knit, community-focused spirit that defines Don't Give A Fucksters. In this way, DGAF is more than just a group of friends—it’s a movement, a lifestyle, and a creative collective that continues to shape the subculture of Vespucci. By staying true to their roots and refusing to be absorbed into the more hierarchical structure of traditional gangs, DGAF has carved out a unique space for themselves, where they can continue to thrive as individuals while contributing to something greater. First Generation: Greg "Vampire" Stangel (Vespucci Skinheads), Troy "Thunder" Stangel (Vespucci Skinheads), Patrick "Lazy" Meitner (Vespucci Skinheads), Corey "Ghoul" Fullhart (Vespucci Skinheads), Matthew "Rad Matt" Crinklaw, Martin "Ogre" Meitner, Maynard "Slim" Dale Second Generation: Danny "Speedy" Blumenbauer, Matthew "Boxer" Ayers, Mason "Frosty" Simms Notable Associates: Lucas "Conman" Bowman (Public Enemy Number 1), Chad "Pitbull" Walden (Vespucci Skinheads), Jason "Jaywalk" Lamarsh (Public Enemy Number 1), Ian "Slugger" Warner (Public Enemy Number 1)